A series of five articles on the History of Kashmir, by Munshi Ghulam Hassan, carried in the Greater Kashmir Newspaper, Srinagar, Kashmir in June 2005.

The events that shaped the history of Kashmir -III

This is how it all happened, Munshi Ghulam Hassan recollects the memories of a forgotten political past.

(from greaterkashmir.com)

Protest meetings to condemn the contempt of Holy Qur’an in Jammu were held in Srinagar as well. A crowded public meeting was held at Khankah Moulla. One Qadeer Khan, a Pathan Khansarman of a European tourist lady, in a fiery speech against the government advised the people to fight the government forces courageously and respond the bullets with ‘Sarad Golay’ (stones). He was arrested and charged with treason. The government apprehending trouble from large crowds in the court premises shifted the court to jail premises. On Monday 13th of July 1931 when the court was to announce the judgment people in thousands assembled at the gate of the prison forcing their entry into the premises to witness the proceedings. Having been barred to enter they threatened to ignite the premises. The police opened fire and showered bullets indiscriminately killing scores up unarmed civilians, efforts to contact the Prime Minister Mr. Wakfield, and inspector general police, Thakar Gandharb Singh, failed. Presumably they intentionally went into hiding.

The bodies of the martyrs were carried to Jamia Masjid by the people, the city witnessed violent demonstrations and a few shops of Hindu traders in Maharaja Gunj were looted. The city and its surrounding areas were handed over to military. Fire was also opened in various towns of the valley killing many people. Sheikh Sahib and his compatriots Moulvi Abdul Rahim and Ghulam Nabi Gilkar were arrested and detained in Hari Parbat Fort. The people intended to take the Jinazah in a procession to the graveyard but the government did not allow it. With the mediation of Nawab Khusraw Jung, minister in waiting and Kh. Salam Shah Naqashbandi, Assistant Governor, the Jinazah accompanied by fifty persons were taken for burial to the precincts of Ziarat Naqashbandi Sahib, since than known as Mazar-e-Shuhda. Chaudhry Abbas, Gawhar Rehman and Yaqub Ali were also arrested and imprisoned in the said fort.

Public meetings and demonstrations continued at Jamia Masjid premises. Mufti Jalal-ud-din was the first speaker and Ghulam Kadir Bhat, alias Sheri Gandarbali, the second one. They were known as second and third dictators. The peoples representatives particularly Moulvi Muhammad Yousuf Shah were fervently active facing the situation with great courage and fearlessly. Once he went to Hariparbat Fort to meet the detainees. He found Sheikh Sahib depressed but being encouraged by Gilkar Sahib. People in multitude waited at Malkhah for Moulvi Sahib’s return. They were full of anxiety for his delay. When he came back they were so much excited that they ran throughout the city crying ‘he came, he came’. The law and order situation turned so grave that. Mr. Wakfield was discharged replaced by Raja Hari Kishan Kaul. A few weeks after his appointment Sheikh Sahib and other detenues were set free to pave a way for negotiations. He was intriguer and with his intrigues and secret meetings with influential citizens and use of money power there were signs of dissension among the leaders. He also invited Muslim leaders of India to use their good offices to pacify the agitation. He held meetings with the leaders also. Sheikh Sahib could not be won over and he was re-arrested. The movement spread over the whole state. Fire was ruthlessly opened in Uri, Muzaffarabad, Baramulla, Sopore, Handwara, Islamabad, Poonch and other towns killing hundreds of people.

Kashmir committee presided over by Mirza Muhammad Ahmad Qadiani was set up in Punjab to lend support to the movement, which partially came under the influence of Ahmadees. Sheikh Sahib entirely depended upon the advice of Moulvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil who professed Ahmadi faith though he became ‘behayee later on’.

The strategy and the propaganda material originated from his drawing room. Rumours were floated to activate and give a fillip to the agitation. It was given out that a continuous hartal by the trading community for a month would lead to the fall of the government. The people resisting the pressure of the government observed complete hartal counting days for the government to fall. Another gossip floated was that the words ‘Sheri Kashmir’ were written on the leaves of the trees.

The trees were laid bare within days. The literate people did not dare to refute it to the illiterates who asked the former to read it and confirm. The blind faith of the masses in Sheikh Sahib’s person could be gauged from the royal reception he was accorded on his first tour to Lolab Valley. Mammoth crowd’s enroute welcomed him with pieces of rock salt in their hands to get puffed by him for a tabaruk. The road was decorated with gates and buntings. Almost all the villagers of the tehil with their lunch in their hands waited since morning to have his darshan. It took him four hours to reach Sopore and reached the destination late at night. The car did to consume any petrol form Sopore onwards as it moved with the push of the people. Sheikh Sahib was seated besides the Hindu driver. The latter’s hair were not spared considering them to be blissful due to his proximity with Sheikh Sahib. He told Munshi Sahib in whose car Sheikh Sahib was travelling that having reached Lolab late at night he went to wash the car next morning but was surprised to find it having been licked by the villagers.

Simultaneously All India Majlis Ahrar joined the fray. About forty five thousand volunteers courted arrested with about fifty causalities. British Indian government fenced with barbed wire the Indo-Kashmir borders at Kohala and Suchat Garh but the volunteers would jump over it and enter into the state. The state government feeling helpless to control it requested the British government to intervene. It would arrest and imprison the volunteers before they could enter the state territory. Their slogan was ‘Chalo Chalo Kashmir Chalain Azad Karain Pak Wattan Ko Khatima Karan Dogray Ka…’ The Punjab Police would come with vehicles and the volunteers would board them voluntarily offering themselves for arrest. Kashmiri leaders who were under the influence of Kashmir committee of Lahore declined to own the Ahrar Movement on a specious ground that they did not like outside interference. As a matter of fact Majlisi Ahrar was interested in washing away the impact of Ahmadi influence on the movement. Incidentally mention may be made of a statement made by Sheikh Sahib in Punjab at the residence of Dr Saif-ud-Din Kitchloo that the communal clashes in the state are the result of propaganda of Punjab communal leaders whom he warned not to interfere in the internal affairs of the state. This statement has been referred to in ‘special responsible government number’ of Hamdard issued in the year 1938. Mention may also be made to a related reference in a book authored by Krishana Dev Sethi, Ex MLA which I had a chance to go through several decades back. He has stated that in the year 1944 on his way to attend annual session of National Conference held at Sopore be met Attaullah Shah Bukhari, a veteran Ahrar leader and a firebrand orator and asked him if he would attend the said session. Replying in the negative he remarked that they have tried Kashmir leaders in thirties of that century and understood them well.

The government unnerved with the deteriorating law and order situation invited several Muslim leaders of British India to mediate who enjoyed lavish government hospitality and fattened their purses. The negotiations softened Moulvi Yousuf Shah who in an address at Jamia Masjid in an oblique hint advised the people to remain peaceful. Sheikh Sahib, however with the Holy Qur’an hanging in his neck swore that ‘I shall stand by the pledge made to the Muslims and shall fight for their rights till the last breath of my life. This was his second oath since he appeared on the political scene, the first one given in the precincts of Khankah Moulla in the year 1931.

In the speeches of the two top leaders in different tones the people smelt a rat but fortunately it did not result in immediate factionalism and their parting of the ways.
The movement extended bringing into its fold more and more activists. Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad appeared on the stage to address the audience. Others who joined the movement included Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan of Mirpur, Malik Ghulam Rasool of Bhaderwah, Chaudhary Hamidullah and Gulzar Hussain of Jammu, Pir Hassam-ud-Din, Moulvi Muhammad Sayed Masoodi, Mian Ahmad Yar Khan, Master Abdul Aziz and Kh. Ghulam Kadir of Muzaffarabad Wazarat, Sofi Muhammad Akbar, Moulvi Muhammad Yasin, Kh. Saif-ud-Din Shah, Rajab Baksh, Qazi Abdul Gani and Abdul Rahim Dar of Baramullah Wazarat, Kh. Akbar Dar, Munshi Amir-ud-Din and Sheikh Ghulam Muhammad of Islamabad Wazarat. Those who joined later on included Mirza Muhammad Afzal Beg and Ghulam Muhammad Sadiq followed by Ghulam Mohi-ud-Din Kara and Muhammad Yousuf Qureshi. There are many others who made valuable sacrifices but to name them all is not possible.

During the incarceration of Sheikh Sahib and hundreds of workers behind the bars, the Prime Minister, Hari Kishan Kaul, succeeded though partially in creating dissension in the ranks of movement. The people in general and the party headed by Moulvi Yousuf Shah in particular indulged in such rumours. Sheikh Sahib and other detenues were released. All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference with Sheikh Sahib as it president was founded. This was indeed the main representative body of more than three million Muslims of the state. The fresh entrants Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad and Moulvi Muhammad Sayed Masoodi gaining Sheikh Sahib’s confidence became his close advisors paving the way for distancing away Moulvi Muhammad Yousuf Shah and subsequently Moulvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil. Gradually the old guard retired except Aga Syed Hussain Jalali who was also aggrieved that he was not being taken into confidence. He had a close liaison with Jamati Hamdani since it had cooperated with him in arranging Ashura Muharram procession during daytime. Besides the two parties were one vis-à-vis their rival parties headed by Moulvi Yousuf Shah and Shia association headed by Moulvi Muhammad Jawad Ansari. Muslim Conference also extended support to Jalali Sahib in his conflict with the reactionary elements of his community who were allied to Shia Association, which had links with the government.

Some close associates of Moulvi Yousuf Shah apparently in league with the government were not happy with his association with Sheikh Sahib and were on the lookout for an opportunity to break the alliance. They included Mirza Ghulam Mustafa, Kh Assadullah Vakil, Mufti Sharief-ud-Din, Kh. Abdul Rahim Banday, Kh. Khazir Muhammad Zaroo, Kh. Noor-ud-Din Pandit and Kh. Noor-un-Din Banday, one day a person gave vent to his feelings and told Munshi Sahib that unless Moulvi Sahib dissociates himself from Sheikh Sahib he would not rest till he dislodges the edifice of Moulvi Sahib.

This development and the role of the two close advisors of Sheikh Sahib led to the estrangement between the two eminent leaders. Sheikh Sahib discontinued his frequent visits to Moulvi Sahib. With the weakness as a human being Moulvi Sahib was jealous of the popularity and the mass support enjoyed by Sheikh Sahib and gave weight to the advice of his close advisors urging him to Part Company with Sheikh Sahib. Moulvi Sahib felt anguished with the turn of events and cursed the day when he introduced Sheikh Sahib as his trustworthy mouthpiece. The Prime Minister Hari Kishan Kaul was also indulging in wire – pulling behind the curtain and obviously with the medium of his links with Moulvi Sahib’s associates he won over him in consideration of a paltry monetary jagir of six hundred rupees per announce.

This was certainly not a pleasant event in the political career of Moulvi Sahib. Thus with the consequent dissension between the two leaders commenced an unfortunate and tragic phase of our political and social history.

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