A series of five articles on the History of Kashmir, by Munshi Ghulam Hassan, carried in the Greater Kashmir Newspaper, Srinagar, Kashmir in June 2005.

The events that shaped the history of Kashmir -V

This is how it all happened, Munshi Ghulam Hassan recollects the memories of a forgotten political past

(from greaterkashmir.com)

In pursuance of dissension in Muslim Conference two rival organizations All Kashmir Shia Association headed by Ansari family and Anjumani Moosvi under the patronage of Aga family of Badgam were founded. The latter with no political agenda confined its activities to religious affairs. The former was akin to the party led by Moulvi Yousuf Shah having links with the government. The adherents of both the rival factions apparently in league with the followers of Moulvi Yousuf Shah laid a siege around the premises of Imamia School Zadibal where Sheikh Sahib was to address a public meeting. Jalali Sahib’s house was also stoned and he temporarily shifted his residence to a relation’s house at Arwat Fateh Kadal. The ungrateful people forgot his political vision and his role in educational field as founder and financer of Imamia School, which made valuable contribution in the spread of education. Public meeting was completely disturbed and the people leaving the venue were attacked injuring many of them. A freedom fighter, Malik Ghulam Hussain, was laid down naked in a sunken grave at Baba Mazar with his dress torn and virtually made naked. A local alimi deen Sheikh Abdul Ali (RA) gave him shelter for the night in his house and provided him clothes to change the torn ones. Sheikh Sahib and his workers following him in two lorries were attacked by a big mob by the followers of Moulvi Sahib at Gojwara. Sheikh Sahib with a staff in hand came out of the car and chased away the crowd. Being out of sight for about fifteen minutes in the midst of the mob his followers were apprehensive of his safety. They heaved a sigh of relief when he came back. In the meantime his followers from adjacent areas assembled in large number and accompanied him in a procession upto Khanyar where he addressed a big gathering. The unfortunate event was provoked, inter alia, by the vested interests owing to the deputation to a foreign country for engineering training of a pro-movement Shia youth who was close to Sheikh Sahib who recommended him against another youth of the same community, a resident of Zadibal, who also was devoted to Sheikh Sahib and the movement but whose family was allied to the rival party.

Intriguingly, Shia association under the influence of pro-government vested interests demanded ‘Judagana’ (separate representation for Shias). They planned to adopt the resolution in a largely attended majlisi Hussain in Imam Bara Zadibal but this attempt was foiled by the Anjumani Imamia and members and other pro-movement followers. The resolution was later on adopted in working committee meeting at the residence of its president. As a counter measure pro-Muslim Conference faction set up a rival party under the identical name of ‘Shia Association’ and opposed the said judaganai resolution. Ironically this resolution was passed under the Presidentship of Aga Sher Ali who as a member of the original Shia Association was a party to judagana resolution. In the meantime, Munshi Muhammad Ishaq, on behalf of pro-movement faction founded and financed a weekly newspaper Zulfikar as an organ of the rival Shia Association’. Hakim Ghulam Hussain Makhmoor was its editor and Hakim Qasim Ali Manager, Hakim Ghulam Safdar who was in government employment used to write pseudonymously. It was virtually a mouthpiece of Muslim Conference. Its editor faced a few cases for publishing anti-government articles and its license was cancelled. The rival party also published a weekly Hilal for some period. The two papers with opposite ideologies, interalia, indulged in mud-slinging against each other. The other party, Anjumani Moosvi, though rival to Shia Association was hand in glove with the latter in judagana demand as has been their wont against progressive movements to protect their own vested interest.

They repeated this tradition in the year 1947 when Shia Federation was founded to meet a serious situation faced by the community for their pro-Pak ideology. The president of Shia Association was however awarded government nominated seat in Praja Sabha. The issue of judagana was talked to Qaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah in the year 1936 before he had assumed the leadership of Muslim League, at a reception held in his honour at the residence of Thakar Aga Syed Hussain. He called the demand ridiculous. During the course of that visit he paid a visit to Islamia High School and also attended a function at Imamia High School. He also addressed Eid Millad-un-Nabi (SAW) public meeting at Mujahid Manzil. In his speech he stated that the position of Muslim Conference in Kashmir is like that of Indian National Congress in India. The two should gain the confidence of minority communities in their respective countries. That was the period when he wanted the Congress to promise protection of rights of Muslims and other minorities to avoid partition of the country but unfortunately Congress was averse to it which forced him to demand Pakistan by Lahore resolution of Muslim League in the year 1940. In our state Shia community in general and Shia Association in particular were staunch, votaries of the two-nation theory and the states accession to Pakistan. The community suffered heavily for this ideology after 1947.

This aspect will be dealt with in a subsequent article covering post 1947 period. Mr. Colvin, a British civil servant, succeeded Raja Hari Kishan Kaul, as Prime Minister. His tenure of about four years was peaceful without any political turmoil till the year 1938. The government did not take any measure, which could disturb the peace. Mr. Colvin was succeeded by Sir Gopala Swami Ayengar. Though a loyal civil servant of British Indian government he had leanings towards Indian National Congress. Muslim Conference leaders used to have parleys with him but in vain. It is in his tenure that a resolution to convert Muslim Conference into National Conference was moved at the grand annual session of Muslim Conference held at Jammu. It could not be passed and was kept in abeyance to invite public opinion. Interestingly Pt. Bazaz was on the stage.

This followed the ‘National Demand’ for responsible government under the aegis of His Highness the Maharajah. The ‘National Demand’ was signed by some Muslim Conference leaders of Kashmir valley, a few Kashmiri Pandit leaders and a lone Sikh leader of Jammu province, Sardar Budh Singh. There was not a single Muslim leader of Jammu province. The Muslim leaders of the valley also belonged to Srinagar district except Moulvi Masoodi and Mirza Afzal Beg respectively of Muzaffarabad and Islamabad districts. Simultaneously special responsible government number of weekly Hamdard containing 110 pages was published on 3Ist July 1938. It contained a cartoon like a savage looking man with two horns on his head representing irresponsible government trampling upon the people but chained and pulled down by the people. Messages of Congress, Muslim League and other leaders including Qaid-i-Azam but not Gandhi Ji and also Indians living in foreign countries adorned the issue. Mahjoor’s revolutionary poem ‘Walu Ha Bagbanoo Naw Baharuk Shan Paida Kar’ appeared in it. The history of the movement in pictures including photos of martyrs since the year 1931 was its special feature. The paper contained a message of Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah suggesting formation of a secular political party, which could help in achieving responsible government. Obviously this was in the context of the resolution moved in Jammu session of Muslim Conference.

This issue was proscribed by the government. Before the police raided the press to confiscate them Munshi Sahib at the instance of Sheikh Sahib bundled them in a car and got them deposited in the fireplace of the haman attached to Shia Masjid of Dalgate through Hakim Qasim Ali. These were distributed on August 9, 1938 in a public meeting at Pratap Park addressed by Sheikh Sahib and other leaders who were arrested in pursuance of the warrants of arrest issued against them. To avoid the arrest before delivering the speech they passed the night at Munshi Sahib’s residence wherefrom they except Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad drove straightway to Pratap Park in the morning Bakshi Sahib went under ground for some tie before be went to Lahore to lead the movement Demonstrations and public meetings at Khan Kahi Moulla followed for quite some time. Those who addressed the meetings were prosecuted and sentenced to imprisonment and also fine. Some were given punishment of flogging also. Chawdhary Ghulam Abbas who was not in favour of the agitation came to Srinagar after some time and out of regard for Sheikh Sahib delivered a speech at Khankahi Moulla and was sentenced to six months imprisonment. He in his autobiography Kashmkash writes, ‘about ten years have passed since my imprisonment (in the year 1938). During all this period I have thought about it a thousand times as to why I jumped into the fire ignited by others. Even today I have no answer to it. The people may perhaps feel the difference between Sheikh Sahib and me with this event’.

During the currency of this movement while Sheikh Sahib and other leaders were in jail All India States’ People’s Conference was founded under the presidentship of Jawahir Lal Nehru at its inaugural session held at Ludhiana. Muslim Conference delegation led by Mian Ahmad Yar Khan, leader of Muslim Conference legislature party attended it. Jia Lal Kilam also attended it when he was released from jail on completion of his term of imprisonment. Sheikh Sahib was elected as Vice President of the Conference in absentia.

Sheikh Sahib on his release was given a royal reception. Steps to initiate amendment of the constitution of Muslim Conference to convert it into National Conference were initiated. On the one hand Moulvi Masoodi and G M Sadiq were contributing articles to Hamdard and other print media favouring the proposal while on the other hand P N Bazaz, J L Kilam and Kashyp Badhu were actively pursuing the matter. Muslim Conferencities were generally not in its favour but the persons dedicated to the person of Sheri Kashmir adopted mysterious silence though some quarters openly opposed it. Sheikh Sahib gave the following reasons for the change in ideology: (1) the demand of Muslim Conference included recruitment of Muslims in government services but once the educated class joined service they were more loyal than the king strengthening the ranks against the movement. While in power they hardly cared for the common people whose sacrifices brought them to the seats of power (2) Hindus and their print media defamed Muslim Conference as a communal organization responsible for anti-Hindu activities and opening the doors to them would put an end to their propaganda (3) Now is the time to demand responsible government which needs the support of all the communities as the oppressed class is a part of all the communities and not the Muslim community only.

A special session of Muslim Conference presided over by G M Sadiq was convened at Mujahid Manzil on June 11, 1939 and a resolution was moved by Moulvi Masoodi to amend its constitution and change its name to National Conference. This was seconded by Chowdhary Ghulam Abbas observing that old clothes need to be changed though he had opposed it earlier in a meeting of General Council convened for the purpose Chowdhary Hamidullah also supported it on the ground that joint efforts were needed for the success of the freedom movement. The two political stalwarts of Jammu quit the National Conference after some time and joined Muslim Conference headed by Moulvi Yousuf Shah who disbanded Azad Conference and owned Muslim Conference. The consequences of the betrayal of oath taken in a mammoth public congregation in the sacred precincts of Khan Kahi Moulla are quite obvious needing no elucidation. May Allah guide us to the right path!

Before I close let me mention that Munshi Sahib has written the memories after 1953 while in prison and interrogation centres or at home when out of jail under the close watch of CID personnel who were always posted at the gate of his residence. He had no access to any reference material and he had no time to revise it due to organizational engagement and ill health. May be some important events have escaped his memory or the record of events lacks proper continuity. His main object was to leave an impartial and a true record for those who may like to undertake research about the development of political process and the role of leaders.

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