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Mohammad Sayeed Malik
(from kashmirtimes)
Trapped between political disconnect between Delhi and Srinagar on the one hand and suffocating homeground-hostility on the other, mainstream political parties in Kashmir Valley are getting squeezed into a tight corner. The ‘nationalist’ portion of their agenda is already a casualty in the face of a radical shift in the local discourse. The setting is such that even mere talk of (assembly) elections sounds grossly incongruent, if not blasphemous. One has yet to find anyone willing to stand up and be counted unambiguously. It has never been so hazardous for them; not even in the run-up to the 1996 polls when militancy was at its peak. Obviously, collective sense of emotional hurt, fuelled by brazenly militaristic response to largely peaceful upsurge of protest, is politically more lethal than the fear of gun. Mainstream politics has been totally immobilised along with its ideological agenda although every Tom, Dick and Harry in that category is protected by hordes of state-provided gun-men. ‘Protected’ species is feeling like the most endangered species. Main reason being that Delhi’s inexplicable non-political attitude, smeared by perceived sectarian double standard in dealing with identical situations, is catalysing an over-powering social cohesion that is incompatible with mainstream politics.
Confused and confusing utterances of some of the mainstream ‘stars’ relating to topical issues, as also their body language, is quite revealing. It depicts the trajectory of conversion from an ‘Indian-Kashmiri’ to ‘Kashmiri-Indian’ and down to ‘Kashmiri’. Though vastly different in size, reach and stature, National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party, two main propellers of the mainstream politics in the Valley, more or less equally symbolise the predicament of surviving a hostile homeground. Their style of functioning is so cramped that it is difficult to determine their respective bearings in relation to key issues like elections and the prevailing ground situation. Positions keep changing, depending on time and space. Unfortunately for them both, times are getting worse, not better, and space is shrinking too, thanks to Delhi’s militaristic attitude.
This aspect of Delhi’s attitude is somewhat puzzling. Deliberately provocative conduct of the CRPF in dealing with the situation in the Valley suggests that there is method in the madness. Hospital sources confirmed that about 90 per cent of causalities were found with bullet wounds in and above abdomen, implying ‘shoot-to-kill’ orders. The ‘free hand’ given to paramilitary forces includes licence to vandalise private property, desecrate places of worship and humiliating local population. If the objective was to force ‘anti-national’ protestors into submission, the result is just the opposite. It is the ‘nationalist’ mainstream political camp which is feeling the squeeze.
With each passing day the resemblance between their body language and that of the ‘anti-national’ lobby is growing. Perhaps no one in Delhi is interested today in calculating the political cost of such adventurism which might have found some justification vis-a-vis armed insurgency. The ground situation in the Valley has changed qualitatively but Delhi’s response seems stuck in old grooves. Separatists cannot thank ‘India’ more for such a precious gift. Conversely, a right thinking ‘nationalist’ cannot curse them more for being denuded and left high and dry at a time when they were going great guns for the elections. That, however, is history now.It would be no surprise if, in the present adventurist mode, Delhi feels tempted to taking the suicidal course of holding assembly elections. The last two or three months have virtually laid out a graveyard for electoral politics.
It would be interesting to see how Delhi, which in Kashmir is synonymous with ‘India’, demolishes the fragile political assets it had painstakingly created over the past decade or so. Restoring partial credibility of electoral system with a respectable level of popular participation was one such asset. The difference between perception of what it was like way back in 1996 when assembly polls were held after a long pause and what it is today 2008 is that between the impact of non-state terrorism then and state terrorism now. Harsh analogy! But an unavoidable honest depiction.
by Iftikhar Gilani
(from kashmirtimes)
NEW DELHI, Sep 11: The wheel has turned full circle. Congress MP Sachin Pilot from Rajasthan has stepped into shoes of his late father Rajesh Pilot, a former Union Minister, to broker yet another deal between the Congress and the National Conference (NC) in the upcoming Assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir.The last time the NC had aligned with the Congress was in 1986 when Rajesh Pilot worked out a “disastrous” Rajiv Gandhi-Farooq Abdullah accord that saw the alliance win the elections in 1987 and Dr Farooq Abdullah become the chief minister. The experiment, however, boomeranged as the tactics they adopted in the polls gave birth to militancy in 1989.
The Congress is, therefore, treading carefully in entering into any electoral alliance with the National Conference, while Sachin, a son-in-law of Dr Farooq Abdullah, is quietly busy preparing ground for roping in the Kashmir’s regional party to give an edge to the Congress in the elections. He was the man behind the scene getting NC around to support the government in the trust vote in Lok Sabha in July.
He is reportedly coordinating closely with former RAW chief A S Dulat, who has been the Centre’s points man for Kashmir and who recently projected Dr Abdullah’s son Omar, a former union minister and now NC President, as the next chief minister.
Former chief minister Ghulam Nabi Azad has been also campaigning for long for a full-fledged alliance with the NC since last year when his alliance partner Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) started showing tantrums, but the Congress leadership has so far torpedoed every move he made to tie up with Dr Abdullah’s party.
Insiders in the Congress Party say there may not be a formal alliance with the NC, but they do not rule out a political rapprochement with it as the leadership no more envisages any truck with the PDP that walked out of the Congerss-led coalition government, resulting in its collapse.
They said the combined lobbying of Sachin Pilot and Azad may persuade the Congress to veer around to be friendly with the NC as the Centre would have to bank upon it to provide semblance of credibility to the coming Assembly polls, particularly when the intelligence agencies fear the lowest ever turnout in the elections because of the changed scenario due to the separatists’ continuous campaign in the valley.
Sachin is believed to have convinced the Abdullahs who control reins of NC that their relationship with the Congress would be good for Kashmiris as well as good for the nation. Those in the valley, however, say the Kashmiris have still not forgiven the NC for the tie-up with the national party that has bestowed upon them two decades of harassment by the central forces and the militants.
“The Abdullahs are trying to run with the hare and hunt with the hound,” says a senior NC leader who wouldn’t like to be quoted. This view is shared by senior and vocal NC leader Ali Mohammad Sagar who stated that time is not ripe for polls in view of the prevailing circumstances.
The Abdullahs, however, would not lose a chance to come back to power, although they don’t want to offend the street mood either. “Given the right assurances, they will go for elections, even though public sentiment seems against it,” analysts here said.
The father and son have been quite diplomatic on the issue of holding the elections now. While Omar Abdullah told the Election Commission here on Monday that the present atmosphere was not conducive for polls, the same day his father and NC’s patron Dr Farooq Abdullah asked for early elections.
They later tried to cover up contradiction in the stand with a statement that an elected government is always better than the governor’s rule. “The government should reach out to the people to ensure a healthy participation in the electoral process. No doubt even a low turnout will result in the formation of a government,” said the press statement.
With Chief Election Commissioner N. Gopalswami indicating his eagerness to conduct polls on time in October-November, the Centre will be banking on the NC to povide credibility to he elections as the PDP, the other regional party of the valley, is not only opposing the elections but it has started lending voice to the separatists’ agenda and may even boycott the polls.
The Centre as well as the Congress appear divided on the timing of the elections in Jammu and Kashmir. While one section insists on a breather, after the spell of agitations, to inject some CBMs (confidence building measures) before the polls, another section believes any delay in elections would amount to “surrender” before the separatists.
Those pressing for the elections now say the separatists would not change their stand even if the elections are delayed and held in March. “After all they are not going to contest polls; they will continue their campaign for boycotting polls. So why not conduct elections now and hand over reins to a fairly elected government,” a top government functionary asked.
The analysts say the PDP has lost credibility in the Kashmir valley despite its leaders lately mouthing slogans of the separatists. It has also lost the vote bank in Jammu region first because of the Amarnath land row and then because of its opposition to the deal struck by the state government with the Amarnath Sangharsh Samiti.
In contrast, the NC has not lost the Hindu base much in the Jammu region as some of its prominent leaders and partymen actively participated in the Sangharsh Samiti-sponsored agitation. The analysts say this may help the party in retaining the seats that it mostly wins from Jammu region.
Courtesy and Copyright of Kashmir Times. com [link]
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By A. G. Noorani
(from countercurrents)
The accord between the J&K Government and the Shri Amarnathji Yatra Sangharsh Samity (SAYSS) on 31 August 2008 is far worse than the order by the J&K Government only three months earlier on 26 May 2008. It grants the SASS concessions beyond what the order did. It is one-sided and marks an abject surrender to violence, blockade and to communal forces. The differences between the order and accord are glaring. Here is a list
1. The order was made pursuant to a decision on 20 May 2008 by the Cabinet in which Jammu & Kashmir were both represented. The accord ignores completely Kashmir where the land is to be given. Jammu alone was represented. A week earlier there was a clampdown in the Valley and top leaders were arrested.
2. Even the controversial order nowhere used the word “exclusive”. The SAYSS felt so emboldened as to demand it and wreck the deal if it was not conceded. The Government yielded in the early hours of 31 August. Para 6A says that the Government “shall set aside for use by Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board exclusively the land in Baltal and Domail”. This order unknown anywhere in the world is cloaked under a lie by calling it “traditionally under use for the annual yatra purpose”. The traditional route for over a century is the Pahalgam route. The Baltal route is a recent demand. It was regarded by the Army and Nitish Sengupta Report as dangerous. It is also unnecessary if the limit of yatris set by the Report (1 lakh) is observed.
3. This violates the citizen’s fundamental right under Art. 19 (1) D to move freely throughout India. The demand of exclusivity was not made even in May 2008 or in decades earlier. It is pure communal aggression using the yatra for political demonstration not religious piety.
4. The duration of use is widened to cover pre and post yatra period. Para 6 C first says that the land will be used “for the duration of the yatra” including the period of preparations and winding up. But the very next para has these sinister words: “The aforesaid land shall be used according to the Board’s requirements from time to time, including for the following”. There follow 9 measures including construction, setting up of then sheds etc. These can be done even beyond the yatra period “from time to time” and “according to the Board’s requirements”; may be all the year around.
5. Para 8 of the order insisted that the land “shall return” to the State. This is dropped in the accord. This accomplishes S.K. Sinha’s objective– permanent use the year round.
6. Also dropped totally is Para 4 on payment for user.
7. Dropped too is Para 6. An undertaking of “foolproof measures against water pollution and Para 7 on payment of fine for damage to the forest. There is a pious provision in accord Para 6C (ix) among the objectives of land user; namely “undertaking measures relating to … preservation of ecology” etc. Breach entails no fine.
8. The order of 26 May was rescinded on 1 July. The accord will require a fresh order to implement it. By itself the accord has no legal force. Section 2(a) of the J&K Forest (Conservation) Act 1997 says “the Government shall not, except on a resolution of the Council of Ministers based on the advice of the Advisory Committee” constituted under the Act “make any order directing that any forest land or any portion thereof may be used for any non-forest purpose”. The earlier phrase “Council of ministers” merely was revised by an amendment in 2001 and the Forest Advisory Committee’s advice was added and made mandatory. “Council of Ministers” is specific. It is different from “J&K Government” whose powers alone vest now in the Governor. The law intentionally provides the resolution as a safeguard. This Council can come into existence only after the next elections. In any case the Forest Advisory Committees advice on 12 July 2007 cannot apply to this new accord which must be vetted afresh by that Committee. It was given before the Supreme Court’s final judgment in the T M Godavarman case on 23 November 2007 which lays down the law and makes important observations on balancing development with protection of environment. Failure to consider it vitiates the decision. Precise on the based on misrepresentation of opinion of the deputy CM Muzaffar Hussain Beg and advocate General Altaf Naik both of which were given in entirely difference cases.
The accord lacks legal efficacy as well as moral and political legitimacy. Any order in its implementation will be void in law. It is a pity that the State should bend all rules to buy peace with communal forces including promise to consider compensation for law-breakers. What of compensation to the Valley for the blockade? The parivar in Jammu has already begun asking for more. The Government has not bought peace but trouble. It is gunah be lizzat.
If the State can thus bend its knees before the Sangh parivar on an issue like this, what hopes of justice can Kashmiris entertain when it comes to restoring the raped Article 370 to a status of worth and respect?
Courtesy of Counter Currents. com [link]
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Govt terminates 18 employees with ‘militant links’
(from kashmirobserver.com)
JAMMU, MARCH 10 (KONS) |The state Cabinet has decided to terminate the services of 18 employees for alleged links with militants.The Cabinet yesterday agreed to the action recommended against the 18 employees by a committee headed by the chief secretary. A senior officer said the action was taken under Section 126 of the J&K Constitution. During the recent Assembly session, Azad had indicated that he may take stern action against such elements.
“The Cabinet, in its meeting, took the decision. Official orders for termination of services will be issued soon,” Health Minister Mangat Ram Sharma told The Indian Express adding that the government would not tolerate any involvement of employees with militants, at any cost.
The government has not yet disclosed the names of the 18 employees, but sources said they include engineers, a doctor and a banker. The decision was taken in the Cabinet meeting which was boycotted by PDP. A committee headed by the chief secretary had submitted its report to the government a few days back. The committee was constituted by the chief minister after inputs from intelligence agencies and state police regarding alleged involvement of some state employees in subversive activities and their alleged links with militants. A PDP minister described the action as “taken in haste”. “It is unfortunate that the decision came at a Cabinet meeting which was not attended by our party. I am not aware of the whole picture. But I think any action taken in haste against employees can bring down the morale of those working under difficult conditions,”he added.
Copyright and courtesy of Greater Kashmir. com [link]
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Tags: Congress, Freedom Struggle, Government, India, Kashmir, News
How Kashmir CM ensures a good press
by Haroon Mirani
(from kashmirnewz.com)
In his one year in office Chief Minister of Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir Ghulam Nabi Azad has got what is typically called a good press.Coverage which any head of state would envy. No criticism worth mentioning, load full of praise, glamorous photos and all. The CM is being projected as the ruler of that illusive utopian state.
The credit for this good press goes to state Information Department, which has been using a ‘carrot and stick policy’ to handle the local newspapers with ruthless efficiency.Sources indicate that Chief Minister Azad is very sensitive to critical stories, and the Information Department has been doing its best to avoid criticism of CM in the local press.
On October 02, 2006 a local news agency released a news item about the bad image of Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad. The news item was carried next day by one newspaper in the valley only to lose valuable government ads the next day.
The daily government advertisements to the newspaper were reduced from 100 square centimetres to just ten centimetres.
Newspaper editors say the information department has strictly carried out the ‘carrot and stick policy’ and the level of tolerance for stories critical of CM is ‘negligible’. Newspapers that publish positive news items of the CM are awarded with enhanced ad quota and those who dare to publish any news item against the CM are punished with ad curtailment.
In the absence of major industries and business houses most of the newspapers operating in the Kashmir dependent on the revenue coming from government ads. Advertisement rates have doubled in this year and newspapers owners prefer not to risk their revenue, and meekly adhere to the unwritten guidelines. “It is not just the government, the newspaper editors are equally at fault. It is they who submit meekly” Says Raashid Ahmad a media watcher.
Newspaper owners have their explanation. “We are dependent on the government ad revenue. If we take cudgels our survival becomes difficult. So it is better to report only as much as we can,” says an editor of a local newspaper on condition of anonymity. Sources in the government indicate that doubling the advertisement rates was ‘a ploy to make newspapers more dependent’ and ‘this ploy worked well’.
Local newspapers are appeasing the government with more coverage of CM and black out any negative news item. “The situation is such that even thinking about the negative image of CM is considered blasphemy. The objectivity is long lost in this financial rat race.” says Raashid Ahmad. To rein in bigger publishing houses, the government has other incentives to offer. They are provided with government accommodation and other benefits for getting in tune with the government line.
A preliminary survey by Kashmir Newz found only six news items aimed directly at inefficiency of Azad published in local newspapers in past one year. Most of them were carried by only one newspaper. When Kashmir Newz tried to contact the newspaper, they declined to talk about it. “It is heartening to know that all the ten major newspapers of the state have not even dared to write about any shortcoming of Azad during the last one year,” says Sajjad Ahmad a student at the University of Kashmir.
“I would blame the newspapers for their cowardice, they are becoming loyal than the king” says Ahmad. Newspaper men however complain the press curbs have reached unprecedented levels. “Information department has always been manipulative. They have always tried to control the newspapers, but this much of intolerance is unprecedented,” says another newspaper editor, again on condition of anonymity.
“Mufti Mohammed Sayeed got a mix of good press and bad press. One could write against him without much harm. Farooq Abdullah had a lot of criticism during his reign. But with Azad there is no margin,” he added.
Image building
Sources reveal that Azad is not content with his media image and to enhance it, he appointed a media adviser to himself, in spite of a full fledged information department working overtime to paint him glorious all the time.
The intolerance is not limited to newspapers. According to sources Azad has expressed his reservations for the popular radio programme Shaharbeen broadcast by the state run Radio Kashmir Srinagar. The programme is based on current affairs and usually takes up problems and issues of local people.
A media team from Doordarshan and All India Radio which visited Kashmir recently were shocked when Azad reprimanded them for airing the popular current affairs programme. Sources say he even asked them to take it off the air, as it is ‘threatening his chair’.
Every year the information department provides crores of rupees to big and small newspapers as ad revenue. A large number of these ads are published in small time newspapers with circulations not crossing four figures.
Copyright and courtesy of KashmirNewz. com [link]
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